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DATE OF INDE­PEN­DENCE: Octo­ber 1, 1960
LAN­GUAGE: Eng­lish, Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Pid­gin Eng­lish; Bantu; and Chadic lan­guages
COUN­TRY POP­U­LA­TION: 148,093,000

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Nige­ria is a coastal state on the shores of the Gulf of Guinea in West Africa; it is bounded by Niger to the north, Benin to the west, Cameroon to the east and south­east, and Chad to the north­east and approx­i­mately com­pa­ra­ble in size to the com­bined areas of New Mex­ico, Ari­zona and Cal­i­for­nia. The bound­ary of mod­ern Nige­ria was drawn by colo­nial pow­ers in 1914. The coun­try is divided in itself into four regions, with which each is dom­i­nated by very dis­tinc­tive cul­tures, cli­mates, and soci­etal inter­ests. Thus the North, East, West and South­ern regions exist with very sig­nif­i­cant pres­ence of com­plex social coher­ence and com­pet­i­tive cul­tural polity.

The country’s name Nige­ria was coined in 1897 by a British colo­nial admin­is­tra­tor: Flora Shaw, wife of Baron Lugard, a British Gov­er­nor Gen­eral of Nige­ria between 1914 to1919. The coun­try was named after river Niger (Niger-​area). Two major rivers (Niger and Benue Rivers) run and con­verge at the cen­ter of the coun­try, flow­ing down­wards toward the south to cre­ate one of the largest delta trib­u­taries in the world. The delta region of Nige­ria is known for its rich­ness in min­eral resources i.e. crude oil, and bio­di­ver­sity such as the world’s high­est num­ber of but­ter­flies’ species.

Today, Nige­ria has the high­est pop­u­la­tion of African peo­ple and it is the eighth most pop­u­lous coun­try in the world.

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The vast major­ity of peo­ple in Nige­ria are Sub-​Saharan Africans, and nearly all the native races of Africa are rep­re­sented in Nige­ria. It was in Nige­ria that the Bantu and Semi-​Bantu, migrat­ing from south­ern and cen­tral Africa, inter­min­gled with the Sudanese. Later, other groups such as Shuwa-​Arabs, the Tuaregs, and the Fula­nis, who are con­cen­trated in the far north, entered north­ern Nige­ria in migra­tory waves across the Sahara Desert. While no sin­gle group enjoys an absolute numeric major­ity, four major groups con­sti­tute 60% of the pop­u­la­tion: Hausa-​Fulani in the north, Yoruba in the west and Igbo in the east. Other groups include: Kanuri, Binis, Ibibio, Ijaw, Itsekiri, Efik, Nupe, Tiv, and Jukun. It can be argued that one out of every five Africans is Niger­ian. 20% of the world’s African pop­u­la­tion lives in Nige­ria, and there are over 20 mil­lion peo­ple of Niger­ian descent in diaspora.

There are also small minori­ties of British, Amer­i­can, East Indian, Chi­nese, African Zim­bab­wean of Euro­pean ori­gin, Japan­ese, Greek, Syr­ian and Lebanese immi­grants in Nige­ria. Immi­grants also include those from other West African or East African nations. These minori­ties mostly reside in major cities such as Lagos and Abuja or in the Niger Delta as employ­ees for the major oil com­pa­nies. A num­ber of Cubans also set­tled in Nige­ria as polit­i­cal refugees fol­low­ing the Cuban Revolution.

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Nige­ria has more than 250 eth­nic groups with over 521 liv­ing lan­guages dis­trib­uted across exist­ing regional con­fines. The regions can help make sense of cul­tural dif­fer­ences between Nigeria’s dom­i­nant eth­nic­i­ties, the Hausa (‘North­ern­ers’), Igbo (‘East­ern­ers’) and Yoruba (‘West­ern­ers’), and the Edo and Ijaw (‘Southerners’).

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Since embark­ing on a com­pre­hen­sive pro­gram of reform, Nige­ria has become of the fastest grow­ing economies in Africa. Nige­ria is an emerg­ing econ­omy, which is often referred to as devel­op­ing coun­try. There are sim­i­lar aspect of eco­nomic, social, polit­i­cal and cul­tural dynam­ics are evolv­ing across all its major cities, and that influ­ence are notice­able every­where in the coun­try. There are fre­quent power short­ages in the urban areas, cir­cum­vent­ing ade­quate pro­duc­tiv­ity and qual­ity of life. Nonethe­less, Nige­ri­ans are enthu­si­as­tic and opti­mistic peo­ple in gen­eral. They value edu­ca­tion highly, and they are eas­ily swayed by mate­r­ial wealth, often to their detri­ment. The country’s large pop­u­la­tion and regional eth­no­cen­tric­ity play sig­nif­i­cant roles in the con­cen­tra­tion of polit­i­cal and eco­nomic power. Within each ethic group, there is also a large income dis­par­ity among the peo­ple which makes clas­sism an inevitable sit­u­a­tion. How­ever, there is a grow­ing trend of the mid­dle class, but the major­ity of peo­ple are still poor com­pared to global aver­age stan­dard. In Nige­ria, the rich are mighty and influ­en­tial. Quite a good num­ber of them make it to the list of world bil­lion­aires. I.e. Lawal (West­erner), the oil tycoon Dan­gote (North­erner), the cement mogul and Nzeribe (East­erner) dealt in heavy con­struc­tion, arms, oil bro­ker­age, there are few oth­ers with the emer­gence of inter­net and the tele­com indus­try in Africa.

The ratio of resources com­pared to the large pop­u­la­tion can also account for the cor­rup­tion that has plagued the growth of the nation since the dis­cov­ery of oil in 1963. Since then, the coun­try has gone through a series of roller coaster expe­ri­ences between democ­racy, oli­garchy, civil war, mil­i­tary coupes, and mil­i­tary rules. All and each of these expe­ri­ences leave an indeli­ble stigma on a spe­cific eth­nic group and spit­ing con­tro­ver­sial dis­putes, sus­pi­cion and dis­trusts along the regional groups who believe the cen­sus was rigged, or the coupe was done to give a par­tic­u­lar group (usu­ally believed to be north­ern groups) polit­i­cal eco­nomic supe­ri­or­ity. This men­tal­ity is widely spread across the country.

Many peo­ple in Nige­ria find solace in reli­gion. Like all other things in the coun­try, reli­gions too are marked along regional bound­aries. There are tra­di­tional reli­gion prac­ti­tion­ers in all the regions, but they are mostly hid­den from plain sight. Chris­tian­ity and Islamic reli­gions both have well exag­ger­ated sig­nif­i­cance in the coun­try. This sit­u­a­tion accen­tu­ates regional and eth­nic dis­tinc­tions and has often been seen as a source of sec­tar­ian con­flict amongst the pop­u­la­tion. The north is pre­dom­i­nantly Mus­lim; there are large num­bers of both Mus­lims and Chris­tians in the Mid­dle Belt, includ­ing the Fed­eral Cap­i­tal Ter­ri­tory. In the south­west, Chris­tians and Mus­lims reside equally; the east and south­ern regions are pre­dom­i­nantly Christians.

Nige­ria is also a fer­tile test­ing ground for emerg­ing busi­ness not only due to its rich nat­ural resources or its large pop­u­la­tion, but also due to the amount of tal­ent and brain power that reside within and with­out the coun­try. Labor is fairly cheap, and many Niger­ian in dias­pora forge strong ties with their coun­try by con­stantly strength­en­ing the eco­nomic through mon­e­tary remit­tance. Today, Nige­ria is an eco­nomic power, not only in Africa, but in the world. It is listed among the “Next Eleven” economies, and is a mem­ber of the Com­mon­wealth of Nations. The econ­omy of Nige­ria is one of the fastest grow­ing in the world, with the Inter­na­tional Mon­e­tary Fund pro­ject­ing a growth of 9% in 2008 and 8.3% in 2009. It is the third largest econ­omy in Africa, and is a regional power that is also the hege­mon in West Africa. Nige­ria is con­stantly work­ing to rein­vent itself; there has been some improve­ment in tourism and great effort in other infra­struc­ture, includ­ing sta­bi­liz­ing energy sup­ply and mit­i­gat­ing corruption.

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The peo­ple of Nige­ria have an exten­sive his­tory. Archae­o­log­i­cal evi­dence shows that human habi­ta­tion of the area dates back to at least 9000 BC. The area around the Benue and Cross River is thought to be the orig­i­nal home­land of the Bantu migrants who spread across most of cen­tral and south­ern Africa in waves between the 1st mil­len­nium BC and the 2nd mil­len­nium. The Nok peo­ple of cen­tral Nige­ria pro­duced the ear­li­est ter­ra­cotta sculp­tures asso­ci­ated with ancient Egypt­ian pharaohs, and the god Osiris, and sug­gest that an ancient Egypt­ian style of social struc­ture, and per­haps reli­gion, existed in the area of mod­ern Nige­ria dur­ing the late Pha­ronic period.

The Por­tuguese may have been the first Euro­pean to arrive in Nige­ria around 15th Cen­tury. Por­tuguese explorer Rui de Sequeira vis­ited the area in 1472, nam­ing the area around the city Lago de Curamo; indeed the present name is Por­tuguese for “lakes”. Another expla­na­tion is that Lagos was named for Lagos, Por­tu­gal — a mar­itime town which at the time was the main cen­tre of the Por­tuguese expe­di­tions down the African coast and whose own name is derived from the Latin word Laco­briga. Lagos today is a port and the most pop­u­lous conur­ba­tion in Nige­ria. It is one of the most pop­u­lous cities in Africa, and is cur­rently esti­mated to be the sec­ond fastest grow­ing city in Africa and the 7th fastest in the world.

Lagos was a Yoruba set­tle­ment of Awori peo­ple ini­tially called Eko. The Yoruba still use the name Eko when they speak of ‘Lagos’. The present day Lagos state has a higher per­cent of Awori, who migrated to the area from Ish­eri along the Ogun River. Through­out his­tory, it was home to a num­ber of war­ring eth­nic groups who had set­tled in the area and cre­ated King­dom ruled by kings (Oba). From 14041889 it served as a major cen­tre of the slave trade. In 1841 Oba Aki­toye ascended to the throne of Lagos and tried to ban slave trad­ing. Lagos mer­chants, most notably Madam Tin­ubu, resisted the ban, deposed the king and installed his brother Oba Kosoko. While exiled, Oba Aki­toye met with the British, who had banned slave trad­ing in 1807, and got their sup­port to regain his throne. In 1851 he was rein­stalled as the Oba of Lagos. Lagos was for­mally annexed as a British colony in 1861. This had the dual effect of crush­ing the slave trade and estab­lish­ing British con­trol over palm and other trades. In 1885 British claims to a West African sphere of influ­ence received inter­na­tional recog­ni­tion and in the fol­low­ing year the Royal Niger Com­pany was char­tered under the lead­er­ship of Sir George Taub­man Goldie. The remain­der of modern-​day Nige­ria was seized in 1887, and when the Colony and Pro­tec­torate of Nige­ria was estab­lished in 1914, Lagos was declared its capital.

Many wars against sub­ju­ga­tion were fought against the British Empire in the late nine­teenth and early twen­ti­eth cen­tury. Notably of those were the British Con­quest of Benin in 1897 and the Anglo-​Aro War from 19011902. The restraint or com­plete destruc­tion of these states opened up the Niger area to British rule. The present day Nige­ria came into exis­tence in 1914, when the Colony of Lagos, the Pro­tec­torate of South­ern Nige­ria, and the pro­tec­torate of North­ern Nige­ria were amalgamated.

Prior to this, each region of “Nige­ria” had its long his­tory of human exis­tence and civ­i­liza­tion. In the north­ern region of the coun­try, Hausa king­doms and the his­tory of Kanem-​Bornu Empire dates back to the 9th Cen­tury. Around 1,000 A.D., the Hausa were build­ing sim­i­lar states around Kano, Zaria, Daura, Katsina, and Gobir. How­ever, unlike the Kanuri, no ruler among these states ever became pow­er­ful enough to impose his will over the oth­ers. Although the Hausa had com­mon lan­guages, cul­ture, and Islamic reli­gion, they had no com­mon king. Kano, the most pow­er­ful of these states, con­trolled much of the Hausa land in the 16th and 17th Cen­turies, but con­flicts with the sur­round­ing states ended this dom­i­nance. Because of these con­flicts, the Fula­nis, led by Usman Dan Fodio in 1804, suc­cess­fully chal­lenged the Hausa States and set up the Hausa-​Fulani Caliphate with head­quar­ters in Sokoto, com­mand­ing a broad area from Katsina in the far north to Ilorin, across the River Nigeria.

In south­east­ern Nige­ria the King­dom of Nri of the Igbo peo­ple flour­ished from the con­tro­ver­sial date of around the 10th cen­tury until 1911, mak­ing it the old­est king­dom in Nige­ria. The Nri King­dom was ruled by the Eze Nri. The city of Nri is con­sid­ered to be the foun­da­tion of Igbo cul­ture. Nri and Agu­leri, where the Igbo cre­ation myth orig­i­nates, are in the ter­ri­tory of the Umeuri clan, who trace their lin­eages back to the patri­ar­chal king-​figure, Eri.

In the west, the Yoruba devel­oped com­plex, pow­er­ful city-​states. The first of these impor­tant states was Ile-​Ife, where arti­facts dat­ing as far back as the 10th Cen­tury show just how early the Yoruba devel­oped an advanced civ­i­liza­tion. Later, other Yoruba cities chal­lenged Ife for supremacy, and Oyo became the most pow­er­ful West African king­dom in the 16th and 17th Cen­turies. The armies of the Oyo king (Alafin) dom­i­nated other Yoruba cities and even forced trib­ute from the ruler of Dahomey. Inter­nal power strug­gles and the Fulani expan­sion to the south caused the col­lapse of Oyo in the early 19th Century.

Benin devel­oped into a major king­dom dur­ing the same period that Oyo was becom­ing dom­i­nant to the west. Although the peo­ple of Benin are pri­mar­ily Edo, not Yoruba, they share with Ife and Oyo many of the same ori­gins, and there is much evi­dence of cul­tural and artis­tic inter­change between the king­doms. The King (Oba) of Benin was con­sid­ered semi-​divine and con­trolled a com­plex bureau­cracy, a large army, and a diver­si­fied econ­omy. Benin’s power reached its apex in the 16th Century.

Some areas of Niger­ian regional cul­tures did not develop into cen­tral­ized monar­chies. Of these, the Igbo are prob­a­bly the most remark­able because of the size of their ter­ri­tory and the den­sity of pop­u­la­tion. Igbo soci­eties were orga­nized in self-​contained vil­lages, or fed­er­a­tions of vil­lage com­mu­ni­ties, with a soci­ety of elders and age-​grade asso­ci­a­tions shar­ing var­i­ous gov­ern­men­tal func­tions. The same was true of the Ijaw of the Niger Delta and peo­ple of the Cross River area, where secret soci­eties also played a promi­nent role in admin­is­tra­tion and gov­ern­men­tal func­tions. But by the 18th Cen­tury, over­seas trade had begun to encour­age the emer­gence of cen­tral­ized sys­tems of government.

By the mid­dle of the 20th cen­tury, the great wave for inde­pen­dence was sweep­ing across Africa. On Octo­ber 1, 1960, Nige­ria became an inde­pen­dent coun­try, but this inde­pen­dence brought about a series of polit­i­cal crises. Nige­ria enjoyed civil­ian rule for six years until Jan­u­ary 15, 1966 when, in one of the blood­i­est coups in Africa, the mil­i­tary took over the gov­ern­ment of Tafawa Balewa, assas­si­nated him and replaced him with Gen­eral J. Aguiyi-​Ironsi. Later that month Ironsi was killed in a counter-​coup, and replaced by Gen­eral Yakubu Gowon. In early 1967 the dis­tri­b­u­tion of petro­leum rev­enues between the gov­ern­ment and the East­ern Region, where the major­ity of Ibos come from, sparked a con­flict. Gowon pro­posed to abol­ish the regions of Nige­ria and replace them with 12 states. Colonel Ojukwu, a sol­dier from the Ibo tribe, announced the seces­sion of the East­ern Region, and declared a Repub­lic of Biafra. Events fol­low­ing this dec­la­ra­tion resulted in the Biafra War, one of the most deadly civil wars in Africa, claim­ing the lives of over two mil­lion Nigerians.

Gowon was over­thrown in a blood­less mil­i­tary coup on July 29, 1975, when he was attend­ing a sum­mit meet­ing of the Orga­ni­za­tion of African Unity. Brigadier Gen­eral Mur­tala Ramat Muhammed became the leader of the gov­ern­ment. He started a pop­u­lar purg­ing of the mem­bers of the pre­vi­ous gov­ern­ment and announced a return of the coun­try to civil­ian rule. On Feb­ru­ary 13, 1976 Muhammed was assas­si­nated dur­ing a coup attempt. Lieu­tenant Gen­eral Oluse­gun Obasanjo, chief-​of-​staff of the armed forces in Muhammed’s gov­ern­ment became the new head of state. In 1978 Nige­ria pro­duced a new con­sti­tu­tion sim­i­lar to that of the United States.

The coun­try returned to civil­ian rule in 1979 when Alhaji Shehu Sha­gari was sworn in as pres­i­dent on Octo­ber 1. Shagari’s gov­ern­ment ended on New Year’s Eve 1983 when he was ousted by a group of sol­diers, led by Major-​General Muham­madu Buhari. Buhari intro­duced strin­gent mea­sures to curb cor­rup­tion. He impris­oned many for­mer gov­ern­ment offi­cials found guilty of cor­rup­tion. Under Buhari’s gov­ern­ment, the death penalty was rein­tro­duced in Nige­ria and free­dom of the press was rig­or­ously restricted. Many news­pa­pers were banned and many jour­nal­ists were impris­oned or tortured.

On August 27, 1985, Major Gen­eral Ibrahim Babaginda led a blood­less coup d’état, depos­ing Buhari as the head of state. Babaginda promised to restore human rights, estab­lish a demo­c­ra­t­i­cally elected gov­ern­ment, and erad­i­cate cor­rup­tion, which has always been a part of Niger­ian pol­i­tics. Babaginda not only vio­lated his promises, but impris­oned jour­nal­ists who stood up for the truth. After repeat­edly post­pon­ing, alter­ing, or scrap­ping timeta­bles for a return to a demo­c­ra­t­i­cally elected gov­ern­ment, Babaginda annulled the results of the elec­tions held in June 1993, which were won by his oppo­nent Chief Mos­hood Abi­ola. Under pres­sure, Babaginda resigned and left power in the hands of a hand­picked and widely opposed interim gov­ern­ment headed by Ernest Shon­ekan, who was promi­nent in busi­ness and sup­ported Babaginda. The mil­i­tary still retains con­trol of the coun­try under the lead­er­ship of Abdul­sa­lom Abubakar, who has promised free elec­tions in the future.

The new head of state, Ibrahim Babangida, promptly declared him­self Pres­i­dent and Com­man­der in chief of the Armed Forces and the rul­ing Supreme Mil­i­tary Coun­cil and also set 1990 as the offi­cial dead­line for a return to demo­c­ra­tic gov­er­nance. Babangida’s tenure was marked by a flurry of polit­i­cal activ­ity: he insti­tuted the Inter­na­tional Mon­e­tary Fund’s Struc­tural Adjust­ment Pro­gram (SAP) to aid in the repay­ment of the country’s crush­ing inter­na­tional debt, which most fed­eral rev­enue was ded­i­cated to ser­vic­ing. He also inflamed reli­gious ten­sions in the nation and par­tic­u­larly the south by enrolling Nige­ria in the Orga­ni­za­tion of the Islamic Conference.

After Babangida sur­vived an abortive coup, he pushed back the promised return to democ­racy to 1992. When free and fair elec­tions were finally held on the 12th of June, 1993, Babangida declared that the results show­ing a pres­i­den­tial vic­tory for Mos­hood Kashimawo Olawale Abi­ola null and void, spark­ing mass civil­ian vio­lence in protest which effec­tively shut down the coun­try for weeks and forced Babangida to keep his shaky promise to relin­quish office to a civil­ian run gov­ern­ment. Babangida’s regime is adjudged to be at the apogee of cor­rup­tion in the his­tory of the nation as it was dur­ing his time that cor­rup­tion became offi­cially diluted in Nigeria.

Babangida’s care­taker regime headed by Ernest Shon­ekan sur­vived only until late 1993 when Gen­eral Sani Abacha took power in another mil­i­tary coup. Abacha proved to be per­haps Nigeria’s most bru­tal ruler and employed vio­lence on a wide scale to sup­press the con­tin­u­ing pan­demic of civil­ian unrest. Money had been found in var­i­ous west­ern Euro­pean coun­tries banks traced to him. He avoided coup plots by brib­ing army gen­er­als. Sev­eral hun­dred mil­lion dol­lars in accounts traced to him were unearthed in 1999. The regime would come to an end in 1998 when the dic­ta­tor was found dead amid dubi­ous cir­cum­stances. Abaca’s death yielded an oppor­tu­nity for return to civil­ian rule.

In 1999, Obasanjo who had been a mil­i­tary head of state, now run­ning as a civil­ian won with 62.6% of the vote, sweep­ing the strongly Chris­t­ian South­east and the pre­dom­i­nantly Mus­lim north, but deci­sively lost his home region, the South­west, to his fellow-​Yoruba and Chris­t­ian, Olu Falae, the only other can­di­date. His loss in the South West has been attrib­uted to his being very unpop­u­lar amongst his kins­men in the South-​West. This was because he over the time had come to rep­re­sent poli­cies and actions that tend to bur­den major­ity of the peo­ple. The Yorubas are known to deride oppres­sors. Apart from this, he was also against the Yorubas’ rig­or­ous quest to reval­i­date the elec­tion won by Chief MKO Abi­ola in 1993. These aggre­gates of issues made the Yorubas sus­pi­cious of him and they expressed this by mas­sively vot­ing against him in 1999. 29 May 1999, the day Obasanjo took office as the first elected and civil­ian head of state in Nige­ria after 16 years of mil­i­tary rule, is now com­mem­o­rated as Democ­racy Day, a pub­lic hol­i­day in Nigeria.

Obasanjo was re-​elected in 2003 in a tumul­tuous elec­tion that had vio­lent eth­nic and reli­gious over­tones, his main oppo­nent (fel­low for­mer mil­i­tary ruler Gen­eral Muham­madu Buhari) being a Mus­lim who drew his sup­port mainly from the north. Cap­tur­ing 61.8% of the vote, Obasanjo defeated Buhari by more than 11 mil­lion votes. Buhari and other defeated can­di­dates (includ­ing Chuk­wue­meka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the for­mer Biafran leader of the 1960s who was the pres­i­den­tial can­di­date for APGA), claimed that the elec­tion was fraud­u­lent. Inter­na­tional observers from the Euro­pean Union, and the U.S. National Demo­c­ra­tic Insti­tute and Inter­na­tional Repub­li­can Insti­tute also reported wide­spread vot­ing irreg­u­lar­i­ties, includ­ing in the restive oil pro­duc­ing Niger delta where Obasanjo’s party had with­out expla­na­tion won close to 100% of the votes.

Umaru Yar’Adua, of the People’s Demo­c­ra­tic Party, came into power in the gen­eral elec­tion of 2007 – an elec­tion that was wit­nessed and con­demned by the inter­na­tional com­mu­nity as being mas­sively flawed. Yar’Adua died from an ill­ness on 5 May 2010 after hav­ing been inac­tive and miss­ing for sev­eral months. Dr. Good­luck Ebele Jonathan was sworn in as Yar’Adua’s replace­ment on 6 May 2010, becom­ing Nigeria’s 14th Head of State. He will serve as Pres­i­dent until the next elec­tion. Upon tak­ing office, Jonathan cited anti-​corruption, power and elec­toral reform as likely focuses of his admin­is­tra­tion. He stated that he came to office under “very sad and unusual circumstances.

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Nige­ria a found­ing mem­ber of the Orga­ni­za­tion for African Unity (now the African Union), and has tremen­dous influ­ence in West Africa, Africa on the whole, and it hosts sev­eral cul­tural, eco­nomic, social and polit­i­cal ties with African dias­pora all over the world. Upon gain­ing inde­pen­dence in 1960, Nige­ria made the lib­er­a­tion and restora­tion of the dig­nity of Africa the cen­ter­piece of its for­eign pol­icy and played a lead­ing role in the fight against the apartheid regime in South Africa. To its cred­i­bil­ity, Nige­ria also pro­vided amnesty and farm­ing land to dis­placed Euro­pean Zim­bab­weans dur­ing the Mugabe dec­la­ra­tion to redis­trib­ute the wealth which caused a ram­page and many losses of lives.

Nige­ria has addi­tion­ally founded regional coop­er­a­tive efforts in West Africa, func­tion­ing as standard-​bearer for ECOWAS and ECO­MOG, eco­nomic and mil­i­tary orga­ni­za­tions respec­tively. Nige­ria read­ily sent troops to the Congo at the behest of the United Nations shortly after inde­pen­dence (and has main­tained mem­ber­ship since that time); Nige­ria also sup­ported sev­eral Pan African and pro-​self gov­ern­ment causes in the 1970s, includ­ing gar­ner­ing sup­port for Angola’s MPLA, SWAPO in Namibia, and aid­ing anti-​colonial strug­gles in Mozam­bique, and Zim­babwe (then Rhode­sia) mil­i­tary and economically.

Nige­ri­ans have been part of the West­ern, Asia, and Latin Amer­i­can soci­ety as far back as the 15th cen­tury mostly through slave trade. Africans in dias­pora, notable Brazil, US, Europe, who could trace their her­itage back to Nige­ria, have man­aged to forge strong ties with their moth­er­land and often go on arranged annual pil­grim­age. By work­ing strongly with both pri­vate and gov­ern­men­tal groups, they have suc­ceeded in orga­niz­ing exchanges between busi­ness peo­ple abroad, such as in Brazil, United States, Ger­many and Nigeria.

The Sec­ond Fes­ti­val of Black & African Arts and Cul­ture (FES­TAC) of 1977 was an event that high­lighted Nigeria’s prac­ti­cal role in the present state of African affairs. Nige­ria staged a World African Cul­tures Olympic event that lasted sev­eral weeks in 1977with the pur­pose of re-​discovery of cul­tural and spir­i­tual ties which bind together all Black and African peo­ple the world over.

The fes­ti­val pro­vided an unusual forum that brought to light the diverse con­tri­bu­tions of Blacks and African peo­ples to the uni­ver­sal cur­rents of thought and arts. It also pro­vided an oppor­tu­nity for recount­ing the achieve­ments of our ances­tors, con­tem­po­raries and their invalu­able con­tri­bu­tions to the enrich­ment of world thought and ideas.

More than any­thing the fes­ti­val helped in debunk­ing erro­neous ideas and beliefs regard­ing the cul­tural and spir­i­tual val­ues of the Black and African race. It also made peo­ple aware that African cul­ture were not only pre-​historic objects placed in muse­ums to be cleaned and dis­played occa­sion­ally but also to them as a liv­ing thing con­tain­ing and por­tray­ing the val­ues and believes of all African people.

Recently, the Niger­ian gov­ern­ment has been con­sciously involved in dis­as­ter relief effort com­mu­nity sup­port and aid in Haiti.

{/​slide} {slide=SOCIAL ISSUES|grey|closed}

Rela­tions between eth­nic groups remained a major prob­lem for such a large and plu­ral­is­tic soci­ety. There is a strong of author­ity in the gen­er­a­tion gaps between sib­lings and elderly respect within the com­mu­nity. Issues between gen­ders are mostly adhered to for­eign reli­gious influ­ence. In pre-​colonial times, intereth­nic rela­tions were often mis­trust­ful, or dis­crim­i­na­tory, and some­times vio­lent. At the same time, there were rela­tion­ships, such as trade, that required peace­ful com­mu­ni­ca­tions. About 65 per­cent of Nige­ri­ans still live in farm­ing vil­lages, and among these peo­ple that ways of life remained deeply con­sis­tent with the past. How­ever, improved trans­porta­tion and com­mu­ni­ca­tion ser­vices were felt to be the most impor­tant change, bring­ing almost all rural areas into touch with nearby cities and larger mar­ket towns

The civil war taught Nige­ri­ans that eth­nic con­flicts were among the most destruc­tive forces in the life of the nation. Eth­nic con­flict was sup­pressed and care­fully con­trolled so that any out­break or seri­ously pub­li­cized dis­crim­i­na­tion on eth­nic grounds was con­sid­ered a mat­ter of national secu­rity. The influ­ence of reli­gion was thought to help mit­i­gate eth­nic dis­par­ity and help intro­duce com­mu­nal life to nec­es­sary areas. But there have been few out­breaks of eth­nic and reli­gious con­flicts that occurred since the war, in which fed­eral gov­ern­ment of Nige­ria acted swiftly to gain con­trol and stop the con­flict. Nev­er­the­less, the way in which eth­nic rela­tions might threaten the secu­rity of indi­vid­u­als and groups was among the most seri­ous issues in national life, espe­cially for the mil­lions of Nige­ri­ans who had to live and work in intereth­nic contexts.

Western-​style edu­ca­tion was a nec­es­sary, albeit not always suf­fi­cient, means to gain bet­ter income and rank. Lit­er­acy and edu­ca­tional qual­i­fi­ca­tions are required for access to more pow­er­ful, bet­ter pay­ing jobs. In the rural areas, fam­i­lies have options where they can either try to get chil­dren through six years of ele­men­tary school and into sec­ondary school, if pos­si­ble into col­leges; edu­ca­tion is free to sec­ondary school level. In the cities, if a fam­ily had any sta­ble income, all of the chil­dren attended school, tried for sec­ondary level and even went on to uni­ver­sity or other post­sec­ondary edu­ca­tion if the young­sters could suc­cess­fully com­pete for places. For the wealthy, there were pri­vate preschools in all major cities that pro­vided a head start in aca­d­e­mic work, and pri­vate board­ing schools that gen­er­ally fol­lowed the west­ern model.

The Niger­ian edu­ca­tion sys­tem turns out increas­ing sur­plus of grad­u­ates. In spite of the immense brain drain of Niger­ian expa­tri­ates abroad, the coun­try is not short of tal­ent. Dozens of uni­ver­sity grad­u­ates lined up for a sin­gle open­ing, and many more for less spe­cial­ized posi­tions. Under such con­di­tions, nepo­tism, eth­nic favoritism, and bribery flour­ished in employ­ment deci­sions, just as it does in social life.

In a num­ber of spe­cial sit­u­a­tions, gov­ern­ment invests in rural areas, cre­at­ing peril-​urban con­di­tions sur­round­ing a large town. Gov­ern­ment involve­ment might result in a state uni­ver­sity or a large irri­ga­tion project, for exam­ple, or on a smaller scale, where a sec­ondary school had been sited with appro­pri­ate hous­ing, Tech­nol­ogy instal­la­tion, elec­tri­fi­ca­tion, and trans­porta­tion links to a nearby urban cen­ter. In its effort to strengthen devel­op­ment and eth­nic rela­tions the Niger­ian gov­ern­ment designed National Youth Ser­vice Corps (NYSC), a pro­gram that requires Niger­ian grad­u­ates to serve in devel­op­ment projects. One of the expec­ta­tions of the pro­gram is that “corps” mem­bers should be posted to cities and states far from home and states of ori­gin. They are expected to mix with peo­ple of other tribes, social and fam­ily back­grounds, to learn the cul­ture of the indi­genes in the place they are posted to. It is a way to engen­der unity in Nige­ria, to help youths appre­ci­ate other eth­nic group­ings in the country.

In the cities, occu­pa­tions were highly dif­fer­en­ti­ated. The middle-​level income groups in tra­di­tional jobs con­sisted of higher-​level skilled work­ers and entre­pre­neurs. Above the mid­dle rank were the elites. Tra­di­tional chiefs in the south had been los­ing power to busi­ness and gov­ern­ment lead­ers for decades.

{/​slide} {slide=HUMAN RIGHTS|grey|closed}

There has been a series of repres­sive and cor­rupt gov­ern­ments in Nige­ria. Nigeria’s human rights record has been poor for so long and gov­ern­ment offi­cials at all lev­els con­tinue to com­mit seri­ous abuses. The most sig­nif­i­cant human rights prob­lems are: extra­ju­di­cial killings and use of exces­sive force by secu­rity forces; impunity for abuses by secu­rity forces; arbi­trary arrests; pro­longed pre­trial deten­tion; judi­cial cor­rup­tion and exec­u­tive influ­ence on the judi­ciary; rape, tor­ture and other cruel, inhu­man or degrad­ing treat­ment of pris­on­ers, detainees and sus­pects; harsh and life threat­en­ing prison and deten­tion cen­ter con­di­tions; human traf­fick­ing for the pur­pose of pros­ti­tu­tion and forced labor; soci­etal vio­lence and vig­i­lante killings; child labor, child abuse and child sex­ual exploita­tion; female gen­i­tal muti­la­tion (FGM); domes­tic vio­lence; dis­crim­i­na­tion based on sex, eth­nic­ity, region and reli­gion; restric­tions on free­dom of assem­bly, move­ment, press, speech and reli­gion; infringe­ment of pri­vacy rights; and the abridge­ment of the right of cit­i­zens to change the gov­ern­ment. A notable human right abu­sive expe­ri­ence with sig­nif­i­cant national and inter­na­tional impact was the attack on civil­ians and burn­ing down of Fela Kuti’s Kalakuta repub­lic in Feb­ru­ary 18, 1977.

Twelve north­ern states have adopted the Shari’a penal code: Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Jigawa, Niger, Sokoto, Yobe and Zam­fara. The Shari’a penal code only applies to Mus­lims. It pro­vides harsh sen­tences for alco­hol con­sump­tion, infi­delity and theft, includ­ing ampu­ta­tion, lash­ing, ston­ing and long prison terms. Homo­sex­u­al­ity can be pun­ished by lash­ing or stoning.

Chris­t­ian pas­tors in Nige­ria have been accused of involve­ment in the tor­tur­ing and killing of chil­dren accused of witch­craft. Over the past decade, over 1000 chil­dren have been mur­dered as “witches”. Church pas­tors have very influ­en­tial posi­tions within their con­gre­ga­tions; some of them have sev­eral churches and con­gre­ga­tions across the world cater­ing to Niger­ian spir­i­tual needs. Pas­toral career is also deemed to be very lucrative.

The Niger Delta in Nige­ria has been the atten­tion of envi­ron­men­tal­ists, human rights activists and fair trade advo­cates around the world. The trial and hang­ing of envi­ron­men­tal­ist Ken Saro-​Wiwa and eight other mem­bers of the Ogoni eth­nic minor­ity made world-​wide atten­tion. So too did the protests of the Ogoni peo­ple. The activ­i­ties of large oil cor­po­ra­tions such as Mobil, Chevron, Shell, Elf, Agip etc have raised many con­cerns, law­suits, and crit­i­cisms. Accord­ing to Human Rights Watch, “multi­na­tional oil com­pa­nies are com­plicit in abuses com­mit­ted by the Niger­ian mil­i­tary and police.”


1. National Bureau of Sta­tis­tics
Coun­try Sta­tis­tics (UNICEF)
Indus­trial Sta­tis­tics (UNIDO)

2. Niger­ian Stu­dents Union in the Amer­i­cas Newslet­ter: A monthly pub­li­ca­tion that pro­vides infor­ma­tion on Nige­ria and the world at large to Nige­ri­ans and Niger­ian stu­dents study­ing in the Americas.

3. Niger­ian Con­sulate General

4. Niger­ian Times: For­merly the African Enquirer.

5. League of Patri­otic Nige­ri­ans (LPN): Founded in 1985, the LPN has a mem­ber­ship of 10,000 Niger­ian Amer­i­can pro­fes­sion­als, includ­ing doc­tors, lawyers, accoun­tants, and engi­neers. It pro­motes pro­fes­sional behav­ior, and the impor­tance of good cit­i­zen­ship, respect for the law, and com­mu­nity involvement.

6. Niger­ian Amer­i­can Alliance (NAA).

7. For­merly known as the Niger­ian Amer­i­can Friend­ship Fund, the NAA was founded in 1988 and has a mem­ber­ship of 300 busi­ness peo­ple, gov­ern­ment offi­cials, and edu­ca­tors inter­ested in Nige­ria and American-​Nigerian rela­tions. The NAA pro­motes improved under­stand­ing between the two coun­tries on polit­i­cal, social, and eco­nomic issues.

8. Niger­ian Amer­i­can Cham­ber of Com­merce (NACC): The NACC is a trade group try­ing to develop closer eco­nomic ties between Nige­ria and the United States.

9. Niger­ian Stu­dents Union in the Amer­i­cas (NSUA): Dis­sem­i­nates infor­ma­tion about Nige­ria and Africa; coop­er­ates with other African stu­dent unions in the Amer­i­cas and with Niger­ian stu­dent unions in Nige­ria and other parts of the world.

10. Orga­ni­za­tion of Niger­ian Cit­i­zens (ONC): Founded in 1986, the ONC has a mem­ber­ship of 700 in 21 state groups; it is made up of peo­ple of Niger­ian ances­try, and works to increase the under­stand­ing and aware­ness of Nige­ria and its cit­i­zens by pro­mot­ing edu­ca­tional pro­grams. It also serves as a net­work­ing link for peo­ple inter­ested in Nige­ria. The ONC seeks solu­tions to prob­lems encoun­tered by Niger­ian Americans.

11. World Union of Nige­ri­ans (WUN): Pro­motes demo­c­ra­tic prin­ci­ples of gov­ern­ment, pro­tec­tion of civil lib­er­ties, and eco­nomic devel­op­ment within Nigeria.

12. Abantu for Devel­op­ment — Kaduna

13. Access for Teenagers (AFT)

14. Accred­it­ing Coun­cil for The­o­log­i­cal Edu­ca­tion in Africa (ACTEA)

15. Action Against Poverty in Africa

16. Action Health Incorporated

17. Adiele Nwankwo WelcomeHomeAfrica

18. Afaha Offiong Food Proces­sors MPCS Ltd.

19. Africa & Infor­ma­tion Tech­nol­ogy Group (AITG)

20. Africa Arise Vol­un­teer Asso­ci­a­tion (AFAVA)

21. Africa Chris­t­ian Youths Devel­op­ment Foundation

22. Africa Eco­nomic and Peace Net­work­ing Organization

23. Africa Farm­ing Project

24. Africa Hope Alive Ini­tia­tive (AHAI)

25. Africa Infra­struc­tures Foundation

26. Africa Ini­tia­tive for Edu­ca­tion and Eco­nomic Development

27. Africa Integrity Move­ment (AIM)

28. Africa Poverty Alle­vi­a­tion Initiative

29. Africa Regional Cen­tre for Infor­ma­tion Sci­ence (ARCIS)

30. African Amer­i­can Cen­tre for Gov­er­nance and Development

31. African Cen­tre for Advo­cacy and Human Development

32. African Cen­tre for Advo­cacy and Human Development(ACAHD)

33. African Cen­tre for Devel­op­ment and Strate­gic Studies

34. African Cen­tre for Envi­ron­ment Devel­op­ment and Infor­ma­tion Net­work

35. African Cen­tre for Read­ing and Development

36. African Cen­tre for Read­ing and Development

37. African Cen­tre For Relief, Research & Eco­nomic Empowerment

38. African Child Now

39. African Chris­t­ian Youths Devel­op­ment Forum

40. African Cit­i­zens Devel­op­ment Foundation

41. African Enter­prises Foundation

42. African Fam­i­lies Out­reach International

43. African Foun­da­tion for Devel­op­ment of Infra­struc­ture and Social Ser­vices in Rural Com­mu­ni­ties

44. African Foun­da­tion for Envi­ron­ment and Development

45. African Ground­nut Coun­cil (AGC)

46. African Hebrew Organization

47. African Help Society

48. African Her­itage Foun­da­tion for Human Development

49. African Ini­tia­tive on Ageing

50. African Insti­tute for Applied Economics

51. African Iron and Steel Asso­ci­a­tion (AISA)

52. African Peace Research Asso­ci­a­tion (AFPRA)

53. African Peace Research Institute

54. African Poverty Alle­vi­a­tion Initiative

55. African Refugees Foundation

56. African Refugees Foundation

57. African Regional Cen­tre for Engi­neer­ing Design and Man­u­fac­tur­ing (ARCEDEM)

58. African Regional Cen­tre for Space and Sci­ence Tech­nol­ogy Edu­ca­tion — English

59. African Regional Net­work for Micro­bi­ol­ogy (ARNM)

60. African Rein­sur­ance Cor­po­ra­tion (AFRICA RE)

61. African Sports Jour­nal­ists Union (ASJU)

62. African Sta­tis­ti­cal Asso­ci­a­tion (AFSA)

63. African Strate­gic and Peace Research Group

64. African Women Eco­nomic Development

65. African Women Empow­er­ment Guild (AWEG)

66. African Youth Devel­op­ment Alliance

67. African Youth Devel­op­ment Foun­da­tion (AFRYDEF)

68. Africans Natures-​Work for Sus­tain­able Peace & Development

69. Afrigrowth Foundation

70. Afro Cen­tre for Devel­op­ment Peace and Justice

71. Agape Fel­low­ship of Women Intercessors

72. Age Con­cept

73. All Nige­ria United Nations Youth and Stu­dents Association

74. All-​African People’s Organization

75. Alley Farm­ing Net­work for Trop­i­cal Africa, Nige­ria (AFNETA– Nigeria)

76. Alliance for Smaller Enter­prises and Entre­pre­neur­ship Devel­op­ment

77. Alter­na­tive Finance Link for Development

78. Amity Link Organization

79. Asso­ci­a­tion for Com­mu­nity Devel­op­ment and Human Technology

80. Asso­ci­a­tion for Repro­duc­tive and Fam­ily Health

81. Asso­ci­a­tion of Church Devel­op­ment Projects

82. Asso­ci­a­tion of Radi­ol­o­gists of West Africa

83. Asso­ci­a­tion of Women Librar­i­ans in Nigeria

84. Baha’i Office for the Advance­ment of Women

85. BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights

86. Bet­ter Life Pro­gramme for the African (Rural) Woman

87. Bio Earth International

88. Black Action for Africa Association

89. Born Tal­ented Youth Foundation

90. Bureau of African Labour, Human and Demo­c­ra­tic Rights

91. Cal­vary Foun­da­tion Inter­na­tional, Inc.

92. Care and Action Research Non-​Government Organization

93. Catholic Anglo­phone Media Asso­ci­a­tion of West Africa (CAMAWA)

94. Catholic Insti­tute for Devel­op­ment Jus­tice and Peace

95. Cen­ter for Cre­ative Youth International

96. Cen­tre for Advance­ment of Urban and Rural Plan­ning and Devel­op­ment

97. Cen­tre for African Set­tle­ment Stud­ies and Development

98. Cen­tre for African Set­tle­ment Stud­ies and Devel­op­ment (CASSAD)

99. Cen­tre for Agri­cul­tural Rural Development

100. Cen­tre For Cli­mate Change and Envi­ron­men­tal Study

101. Cen­tre for Organ­i­sa­tional and Pro­fe­sional Ethics (COPE-​AFRICA)

102. Cen­tre for Organ­i­sa­tional and Pro­fes­sional Ethics (COPE-​AFRICA0

103. Cen­tre for Women Research and Devel­op­ment (Project 2000)

104. Cham­pi­ons of Women’s Devel­op­ment Foundation

105. Child Spac­ing, Fam­ily Health and AIDS Edu­ca­tion Pilot Project

106. Church Improve­ment Society

107. Cit­i­zens’ Rights Pro­tec­tion Society

108. Coali­tion of NGOs on Health Pop­u­la­tion and Development

109. Com­mu­nity Devel­op­ment and Micro-​Finance Round Table

110. Com­mu­nity Devel­op­ment Initiative

111. Com­mu­nity Devel­op­ment Partners

112. Com­mu­nity Devel­op­ment Trust Fund

113. Com­mu­nity Social Wel­fare Foundation

114. Con­cerned Per­sons on Health and Environment

115. Con­cerned Youth Forum of Nigeria

116. Con­fed­er­a­tion of African Med­ical Asso­ci­a­tions and Soci­eties (CAMAS)

117. Con­sti­tu­tional Rights Project

118. Coun­cil for Women’s Self Help

119. Coun­try Women Asso­ci­a­tion of Nigeria

120. Cre­ative Minds

121. Devel­op­ment Action Agency

122. Devel­op­ment and Lead­er­ship Insti­tute (DLI)

123. Devel­op­ment Aware­ness for Women in Ndiughe

124. Devel­op­ment Edu­ca­tion Centre

125. Devel­op­ment Empow­er­ment Soci­ety International

126. Devel­op­ment Infor­ma­tion Network

127. Devel­op­ment Stud­ies Research Group

128. Eco­nomic Com­mu­nity of West African States (ECOWAS)

129. ECOWAS Club of Nigeria

130. Empow­er­ment and Action Research Centre

131. Envi­ron­men­tal Research Alliance

132. Envi­ron­men­tal Rights Action

133. Envi­ron­men­tal Rights Outreach

134. Eth­nic Minor­ity Rights Orga­ni­za­tion of Africa

135. Fam­ily Aid Programme

136. Farm­ers Alliance Against Poverty

137. Farm­ers Devel­op­ment Union — Agodi

138. Farm­ers Devel­op­ment Union — Dugbe

139. Farm­ers Orga­nized Devel­op­ment Asso­ci­a­tion of Nigeria

140. Fed­era­cion inter­na­tional de Abogadas

141. Fed­er­a­tion of Female Nurses and Mid­wives of Nigeria

142. Fed­er­a­tion of Mus­lim Women’s Asso­ci­a­tion in Nige­ria — Minna

143. Fed­er­a­tion of Mus­lim Women’s Asso­ci­a­tion In Nige­ria — Zaria

144. Fed­er­a­tion of Uni­ver­sity Women of Africa

145. Fed­er­a­tion of West African Cham­bers of Com­merce (FWACC)

146. Feed Africa for Christ

147. First Aid Group of Young Mus­lim Con­gress of Nigeria

148. Forum of Niger­ian Women in Politics

149. For­ward Africa

150. Foun­da­tion Against Social Trauma & Envi­ron­men­tal Ravages

151. Foun­da­tion for African Devel­op­ment through Inter­na­tional Biotechnology

152. Foun­da­tion for African Devel­op­ment through Inter­na­tional Biotech­nol­ogy

153. Foun­da­tion for African Devel­op­ment through Inter­na­tional Biotech­nol­ogy (FADIB)

154. Foun­da­tion for Civic Advo­cacy in Africa — The Advocate

155. Friends for Development

156. Friends of the Environment

157. GEN­ER­A­TION NEXT 4 AFRICA (aka Afri­world Youth Mission)

158. Girls’ Power Initiative

159. Global Aid Africa

160. Global Jus­tice Movement

161. Global Relief & Empow­er­ment Initiative

162. Golden Moth­ers of Nigeria

163. Grass­roots Empow­er­ment Network

164. Grass­roots Health Orga­ni­za­tion of Nigeria

165. Grass­roots Women Sports International

166. Head High International

167. Health First Foun­da­tion in AFrica

168. High World Inter­na­tional Club

169. High World Inter­na­tional Organization

170. Hope Africa

171. Hope Africa Initiative

172. Human Alle­vi­a­tion Organization

173. Human Life International

174. Human Ori­en­ta­tion Move­ment for Envi­ron­ment (HOME)

175. Human Resources Devel­op­ment Centre

176. Human Rights Africa

177. Hymans Early Child­hood Edu­ca­tion Cen­tre — Okpala

178. Imo Youth Net­work Programme

179. Incor­po­rated Trustees Osita Nwa Jide Rural Folks Foundation

180. Inspire Africa Foundation

181. Insti­tute for Human Set­tle­ment and Environment

182. Inter­na­tional (Youth) AIDS Pre­ven­tion Network

183. Inter­na­tional Cen­tre for Youth Development

184. Inter­na­tional Fed­er­a­tion of Women Lawyers — Awka

185. Inter­na­tional Fed­er­a­tion of Women Lawyers — Owerri

186. Inter­na­tional Foun­da­tion for Envi­ron­ment and Development

187. Jour­nal­ists Action Against Human Traf­fick­ing (JAAHT)

188. Leed Youth Africa

189. Legal Research and Resource Devel­op­ment Center

190. Life Builders Min­istries International

191. Lift Above Poverty Organization

192. Media World International

193. Med­ical Aid Coun­cil (MAC)

194. Med­ical Women’s Asso­ci­a­tion of Nigeria

195. Mother and Child Africa

196. National Asso­ci­a­tion of Niger­ian Women in Business

197. National Coun­cil of Women’s Soci­eties — Abuja

198. National Coun­cil of Women’s Soci­eties — Lagos

199. National Coun­cil of Young Men’s Chris­t­ian Associations

200. NGO Coali­tion for Environment

201. Niger Delta Devel­op­ment Foundation

202. Nige­ria Inter­net Wiz­ard Association

203. Nige­ria NGO Con­sul­ta­tive Forum

204. Niger­ian Asso­ci­a­tion of Uni­ver­sity Women

205. Niger­ian Cen­tre for Research and Documentation

206. Niger­ian Envi­ron­men­tal Society

207. Niger­ian Envi­ron­men­tal Study/​Action Team

208. Niger­ian Insti­tute of Homeopathy

209. Niger­ian League of Women Voters

210. Niger­ian NGO Coali­tion for Human Set­tle­ment and Environment

211. Niger­ian Rural Devel­op­ment Project

212. Pan African Lead­er­ship League (PALL)

213. Pan African Movement

214. Pan-​African Rec­on­cil­i­a­tion Centre

215. Pan-​African Rec­on­cil­i­a­tion Council

216. PanAfrican Soci­ety for Rural Devel­op­ment Sus­te­nance and Social Pro­tec­tion (PASRUDESS)

217. Peace Ini­tia­tive Inter­na­tional for Africa (PIIA)

218. Peace Ini­tia­tive Net­work (PIN)

219. Peas­ants Dragnet

220. Police Offi­cers Wives Association

221. Poverty in Africa Alter­na­tive (POVINAA)

222. Quan­ti­ta­tive Eco­nomic Research Bureau

223. Ramota Gbadamosi Trad­ing Company

224. Rem­edy International

225. Rotary Inter­na­tional Nigeria

226. Rural Empow­er­ment Ini­tia­tive in West Africa

227. Sajju Insti­tute and Research Foundation

228. Save Earth Nigeria

229. Save Life International

230. Save Visions Africa

231. Sil­ver­line Devel­op­ment Initiatives

232. Soci­ety for the Improve­ment of Rural Peo­ple — Nigeria

233. Soci­ety for the Wel­fare of Women Prisoners

234. Stu­dent Chris­t­ian Move­ment of Nigeria

235. Sup­port Home of God (SuhoG) Project

236. TEL­DIA — Towards Edu­ca­tional and Lead­er­ship Develpo­ment in africa

237. The Com­mu­nity Devel­op­ment Volunteers

238. The Inter­na­tional First Aid Society

239. The Sal­va­tion Army — Nigeria

240. The Trop­i­cal For­est Network

241. The Unem­ploy­ment League

242. Touch-​A-​Life Foundation

243. Trans­parency & Anti­cor­rup­tion Capmapign International

244. Tres­im­sports Int’l

245. United Nations Asso­ci­a­tion of Nigeria

246. West African Man­age­ment Devel­op­ment Insti­tutes Network

247. West African Net­work for Con­flict Res­o­lu­tion, Peace-​Building and Secu­rity (WAN CORPS)

248. Women Action Organization

249. Women and New Orientation

250. Women in Inde­pen­dence, Self Suf­fi­ciency and Eco­nomic Advancement

251. Women in Law and Devel­op­ment in Africa — Nigeria

252. Women in Nige­ria — Calabar

253. Women in Nige­ria — Lagos

254. Women Jus­tice Program

255. Women Law and Devel­op­ment Centre

256. Women Lit­er­acy Vol­un­teer Group

257. Women Resource Devel­op­ment and Pro­tec­tion Agency

258. Women Sports of Nigeria

259. Women Traf­fick­ing and Child Labour Erad­i­ca­tion Foundation

260. Women Eco­nomic Link­ages Orga­ni­za­tion of Nigeria

261. Women’s Board Edu­ca­tional Coop­er­a­tion Society

262. Women’s Cen­tre for Peace and Development

263. Women’s Con­sor­tium of Nige­ria — Lagos

264. Women’s Health and Eco­nomic Devel­op­ment Association

265. Women’s Health Orga­ni­za­tion of Nigeria

266. Women’s Research and Doc­u­men­ta­tion Center

267. World Empow­er­ment Foun­da­tions Technology,Skills and Man­power Development

268. Young Women’s Chris­t­ian Asso­ci­a­tion of Nigeria

269. Youth for Devel­op­ment and Cooperation

270. Youth Ini­tia­tive For Entre­pre­neur­ial Lead­er­ship And Development

271. Youth Orga­ni­za­tion Gospel Bap­tist Con­fer­ence of Nige­ria and Over­seas

272. Youth Resource Devel­op­ment Council

273. Youth Ser­vice Africa

274. Youth Sports and Cul­tural Foundation

275. Youthaid Projects Inc.

276. Zonta Club of Benin

{/​slide} {slide=CONTRIBUTOR|grey|closed} AUTHOR: Wale Idris Ajibade

CON­TACT: This email address is being pro­tected from spam­bots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
PHONE: 6462260262
{/​slide} {slide=REFERENCES|grey|closed}

Library of Con­gress – Fed­eral Research Divi­sion
The United Nations
African Views
Ber­tels­mann Foun­da­tion
Con­trib­u­tors like you
Econ­o­mist Intel­li­gence Unit
Every cul­ture
Free­dom House
Her­itage Foun­da­tion


Sus­tain­able Devel­op­ment Indi­ca­tors for Nige­ria in details:

The chang­ing pro­files of a soci­ety in this nation or ter­ri­tory are cap­tured through a host of vital sta­tis­ti­cal indi­ca­tors. African Views facil­i­tates these sta­tis­ti­cal indi­ca­tors for every­one to iden­tify, com­pare and express their agree­ment or dis­agree­ment about the rat­ings, as well as share your views on a host of national con­di­tions and issues. Your con­tri­bu­tion will go towards the col­lec­tive knowl­edge and wis­dom required to explore empir­i­cal from nor­ma­tive argu­ments, espe­cially those argu­ments that rely on hid­den or ques­tion­able principles.

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